I have looked at the studies, including a very
recent one by the Center for Responsible Lending (CRL). While most of the
studies leave out important differences between the groups, including credit
scores, the CRL study takes into account credit and other relevant factors, and
its findings are the same. They find that minorities generally pay more, which
rings true to me.
Mortgage Price Determination:
Posted Prices
To understand how and why it happens, it is
necessary to understand how mortgages prices are determined. In more than 90% of
the transactions, it is a two-stage process. Stage 1 is the development of
posted prices that are delivered to loan officers and mortgage brokers.
Stage 2 is the determination of final prices paid by the borrower.
Posted prices are either retail or wholesale.
Wholesale prices are posted by wholesale lenders to mortgage brokers and
correspondent lenders (CLs). (Unlike brokers, CLs fund loans, but they deliver
them to the same wholesale lenders as broker. Henceforth, I use the term "broker
to include CLs). Retail prices are posted by retail lenders to their loan
officer employees,
Mortgage prices, are delivered by fax or
(increasingly) over the internet in the form of "price sheets’. These sheets are
voluminous because each loan program must be priced separately, and because
pricing has become so complex. Prices vary with the borrower’s credit, purpose
of loan, type of property, type of documentation, state location of property,
and other factors.
Posted Prices Are Free of
Discrimination
Posted prices do not vary with race,
which would be blatantly illegal. Neither do prices vary with proxies for race,
such as property location. Minorities are much more heavily concentrated in
center cities than in suburban areas, for example, so mortgage pricing based on
this distinction could be discriminatory. However, lenders do not make such
distinctions in their pricing. Most lenders in their pricing use only states.
Some divide large states such as California into regions, but the regions don’t
correspond to any racial divisions.
The upshot is that lenders do not discriminate
in their posted prices. Lenders may commit many sins, but discrimination against minorities is
not one of them. I have looked at the price
sheets of hundreds of lenders, both wholesale and retail. I have never seen one
that had even a whiff of discriminatory treatment of minorities.
The unequal treatment of minorities occurs at
the second stage, where posted prices are converted into final prices to the
borrower.
Final Prices Have a Discretionary
Component
In the wholesale market, lenders deliver
wholesale prices to brokers, who add a markup to derive the retail prices
offered to borrowers. If the posted price is 6% and zero points, for example, a
broker might offer the loan at 6% and 1.5 points, the 1.5 points being the
markup.
Within very wide limits, brokers have complete
discretion over the final price. They are independent contractors who price as
they please. Some wholesale lenders place limits on markups, but these limits
are absurdly high. Since there are hundreds of wholesale lenders, and brokers
move easily from one to another, any one lender attempting to enforce more
rigorous constraints on markups would quickly lose brokers.
In the retail market, lenders deliver retail
prices to their loan officer employees (LOs). The lender’s markup, including the
LO’s commission, is already included in these prices. However, LOs have limited
discretion to charge more than the posted prices "in order to take advantage of
market opportunities", and to charge less "in order to meet competition." Such
price deviations are termed "overages" and "underages" respectively. Overages
exceed underages by a wide margin. See
What
is a Mortgage Overage?
Discrimination Arises From
Discretionary Pricing
The great majority of brokers and LOs are
"equal-opportunity over-chargers". They charge what the market will bear,
without regard to race or color. Some are no doubt prejudiced, and if they had
any market power to go along with their pricing discretion, they might use it to
discriminate against minorities. Because the competition for customers is so
intense, however, any such attempts would cost them money.
On the other hand, there may be a perception
that minorities are easier to take advantage of than whites. To the extent that
this is true, a market in which loan providers at the point of sale charge as
much as they can get away with affects minorities disproportionately. The result
is the same as if there were deliberate discrimination.
The Market Segmentation Theory
A related explanation for why minorities pay
more for their mortgages than whites, offered by CRL, is that minorities receive
more of their loans than whites from high-price lenders. This would be true if
high-price lenders target minorities more than whites, which would be patently
illegal and which I doubt occurs.
Alternatively, high-price lenders probably do
more high-powered soliciting than other lenders, and if minorities are more
vulnerable to solicitations, they will end up with dealing with those lenders in
disproportionate numbers. I suspect that this does indeed happen. It is why I
constantly advise borrowers of every color not to respond to solicitations. I
wish I heard more preaching on this subject from community groups.
The Community Group Approach to
Unequal Treatment of Minorities
Community groups don’t accept my contention that
discrimination arises from discretionary pricing by loan officers and mortgage
brokers at the point of sale, because it takes lenders off the hook. Brokers and
loan officers are a much less attractive target for them than lenders. A recent
study by the Center for Responsible Lending (CRL) concedes that posted prices
are free of bias, but claims that lenders influence the final prices in indirect
ways that can be discriminatory. In my opinion, none of their arguments
withstand close scrutiny (see my appendix note).
Community groups also don’t like the idea that
loan officers and brokers are out to skin everyone but are more successful with
minorities. This conclusion can be interpreted to mean that the victims are
partially responsible for their own mistreatment.
In my view, this interpretation is sometimes
unavoidable. Borrowers are victimized primarily because they are ill-informed,
and given that the information that would protect them is widely available, they
bear some responsibility for not finding and using it.
When this article appeared in the press, I
received numerous letters complaining about Hispanic loan officers and brokers
who took advantage of the Hispanic borrowers who sought them out. I have not
verified these reports, but it would hardly be surprising if it were true. I
would expect Hispanic loan providers would be equal-opportunity over-chargers,
just like their white compatriots, except that they find better pickings in the
Hispanic community.
Community Group Remedies Look to
Government to Punish Lenders
In the community group vision of the mortgage
market, lenders are the villains and minorities the victims. Their proposed
remedies largely involve government increasing the burdens and responsibilities
imposed on lenders. For example, community groups favor making lenders legally
responsible for the suitability of the mortgages they provide in meeting the
needs of borrowers. I am opposed to such a rule, for reasons discussed in
Mortgage
Suitability.
I wish the community groups did a better job of
advising their constituents about how to avoid trouble. Their advice is directed
at how to identify the bad guys, which in my view is the wrong approach. There
are too many bad guys, and they are too good at disguising their true nature.
Why Don’t Community Groups Direct
Borrowers to Loan Providers Who Won’t Rip Them Off?
The right approach is to identify the good guys
and ignore the rest, the same approach used by savvy pickers of wild mushrooms.
They only pick the ones they know are good. Picking the mushrooms that aren’t
bad requires an ability to identify all the bad ones, which is more
time-consuming and much riskier.
Minorities (and others) can avoid discrimination
by selecting distribution channels where pricing discretion is either absent or
controllable by the borrower. Pricing discretion is absent in internet-based
lending, because loan officers don’t capture the customer and therefore don’t
have the clout to dictate their terms of employment.
Internet-based lending offers other borrower
protections as well. These include more complete information on lender fees and
third party fees, and the ability of shoppers to monitor their price from day to
day until they lock it. I certify lenders who provide all the information needed
by borrowers to shop on-line as Upfront Mortgage Lenders.
Another way to avoid discrimination is to
negotiate an all-in fee with a mortgage broker, the fee to include any payments
received by the broker from the lender. While most brokers don’t work that way,
preferring to keep their markup their own business, most of them will if the
borrower insists on it. (Upfront
Mortgage Brokers work this way as a matter of course). The borrower has the clout to
dictate the terms of his engagement with the broker, if only he realizes it.
If the CRL and other community groups guided
borrowers to lending channels where they would not be exploited, these channels
could become the dominant delivery systems, and the channels where predators
operate would shrink. This would require nothing of Government, whose track
record in protecting mortgage borrowers is very poor.
Appendix Note: The CRL’s Case
For Lender Culpability
CRL offers two explanations for why minorities
pay more for their mortgages than whites. Their "market segmentation"
explanation was discussed above. CRL’s "disparate pricing" explanation is that
lenders charge minority borrowers more than comparable whites. They don’t accept
that posted prices are free of bias.