January 17, 2005
The Accounting Scandal at Fannie Mae
"The media has been full of stories recently about accounting scandals
at Fannie Mae…Is this another Enron? What does it mean to John Q.
Public?"
It is an accounting scandal, and heads have rolled as a result, but it
is not another Enron.
The phony accounting at Enron concealed massive losses whereas the phony
accounting at Fannie Mae concealed large fluctuations in income. Absent
the phony accounting, Enron was insolvent, but Fannie remains solvent
and very strong, if not quite as strong as it had appeared earlier.
Yet there is more at stake in the Fannie case because Fannie Mae is a
"Government-sponsored enterprise". While Fannie and its smaller sister
agency Freddie Mac have private shareholders and their employees are not
under civil service, they enjoy important Government supports. These
include a line of credit with the Treasury Department and use of the
facilities of the Federal Reserve.
For this and other reasons, the market believes that the Federal
Government implicitly guarantees the obligations issued by Fannie and
Freddie, so they can raise funds at a lower cost than any private firm.
This cost advantage results in market dominance. No strictly private
firm can compete with them in purchasing and reselling "conforming"
mortgages which meet their requirements.
The flap about accounting has had one favorable consequence: Questions
about the unique role of Fannie and Freddie in the US housing finance
system are now being actively discussed. Your question about the impact
on John Q Public provides a useful way to get at these questions, but we
must distinguish John Q. as borrower, tax payer and citizen.
The Public Stake in Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac: Borrowers
Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac reduce the costs of borrowers who meet the
underwriting requirements of the agencies, and who need loans no larger
than the largest mortgage the agencies are allowed by law to purchase.
For 2005 the maximum is $359,650. It is raised every year in line with
increases in home prices.
To determine the size of this benefit, on November 1, 2004 I shopped at
4 on-line web sites for 15-year and 30-year mortgages of $320,00 and
$350,000 which were otherwise identical. Since only the smaller loan was
eligible for sale to the agencies – the maximum loan in 2004 was
$333,700-- the price difference between them is entirely attributable to
the difference in eligibility. Detailed results are shown in the table
at the end of this article.
After adjusting for small differences in upfront fees, I found that the
rates on the smaller mortgage generally ranged from .25% to .375% lower
than the rates on the larger mortgage. This amounts to payment
reductions of 1.7% to 2.5% on 15-year loans, and 2.7% to 4.1% on 30-year
loans.
These are not trivial differences, but they are not dramatic either.
Market rates often change by this amount or more without attracting a
great deal of attention.
In addition to reducing interest rates in a sizeable segment of the
market, Fannie and Freddie have been required by Congress to target
borrowers with low-to-moderate incomes, and/or residing in underserved
areas. Every year, the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD)
sets a target for the percent of the agencies’ mortgage purchases that
ought to be accounted for by targeted borrowers. How many of these loans
would not be made without the agencies’ support, however, is never
clear.
The Public Stake in Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac: Taxpayers
While John Q as borrower benefits from Fannie and Freddie, John Q as
taxpayer could end up paying the bill.
The agencies reduce interest rates on the mortgages they purchase
because they can raise the funds they need at costs only marginally
higher than those paid by the US Treasury, and well below the cost of
funds to any AAA-rated private corporation. The reason for the low cost
is that investors believe that Fannie and Freddie have a special claim
for Government assistance in the event they ever get into financial
trouble.
This perception is well-founded. Since the failure of the agencies to
meet their obligations would be catastrophic, there is no doubt that
Government would step in to prevent it. If that were to happen, you and
I would be on the hook for the cost. Taxpayers paid for the savings and
loan debacle of the 80s, and this one could cost even more. Different
views on how this is best prevented are discussed below.
Avoiding Taxpayer Bailouts With Stronger Regulatory Controls
John Q Public as citizen seeks the best possible way to protect
taxpayers while minimizing hurt to borrowers.
The agencies themselves take the position that nothing need be done,
because they will keep themselves safe and sound. In contrast, most
informed observers outside the agencies opt either for stronger
regulatory control, or for full privatization.
Those favoring stronger regulatory control believe it could prevent the
agencies from getting into the kind of trouble that would require
Government intervention. This is the view of OFHEO, the existing
regulator, which has struggled to convince the Congress that it is
"tough enough" to regulate the agencies. Support for this approach also
comes from some industry players, who expect that tighter regulation
will include curbs on the agencies’ expansion into new markets where the
players don’t want them. Congress also appears favorably disposed to
tighter regulation.
The basic problem with the regulatory approach is that it could easily
fail, as it did with the savings and loans, which were a regulated
industry. One major reason that regulation failed in that case was that
the safety and soundness objective of the regulators was undermined by a
broad public policy that prevented savings and loans from writing
adjustable rate mortgages. That policy was not changed until after most
of the damage had been done.
The current arrangement for regulating Fannie and Freddie has an eerily
similar conflict. One regulatory arm is focused on safety and soundness,
the other on meeting the mortgage loan needs of the disadvantaged. Maybe
this will work, but the history of financial institution regulation
suggests that the risk is high that it will not.
Avoiding Taxpayer Bailouts With Full Privatization
The major argument for full privatization is that a private firm whose
debts are neither implicitly nor explicitly guaranteed by the Government
could fail without tax payers having to foot the bill.
Further, there is no rationale today for a Government-supported but
privately owned duopoly. This type of structure harkens back to the
beginnings of the country, when every corporation required a special
charter from the state that spelled out its privileges and
responsibilities in detail. That approach ended with the enactment of
general incorporation laws, but here it is again with Fannie Mae and
Freddie Mac.
This was a historical accident. Both Fannie and Freddie began life as
Government agencies, and the switch to private ownership (while
retaining Government support) was designed to encourage development of a
private secondary mortgage market. That was a reasonable rationale at
the time, but no longer because the objective has long since been
achieved.
Many firms are active today in purchasing mortgages that are not
eligible for sale to Fannie and Freddie, but theirs is a small part of
the total market. The larger part belongs to the agencies, which are
safe from the competition of firms that don’t enjoy their privileges.
Making The Transition
The challenge is to remove Government support without hurting investors
who have relied on that support. We also want to avoid damaging the
agencies because after full privatization, they will be obliged to
compete with other private firms.
My proposal is to have the Government explicitly guarantee all the
outstanding obligations of the agencies as of a specified transition
date. The credit lines the agencies now have with the Treasury would be
revoked on the same date. These actions prevent repercussions in
financial markets, yet put markets on notice that new obligations are
not guaranteed.
Over time, the volume of guaranteed claims would gradually decline. The
existing segmentation of the secondary market into a large piece
controlled by the agencies and a small piece with many players, would
end.
There are good arguments on all sides of the debate about what to do
with Fannie and Freddie, but there are no good arguments for the status
quo. Those who believe that the Government-supported private firm model
is a good one should be proposing that we expand their number. I have
never heard a reasoned defense of why the privileges of Government
sponsorship should be limited to two behemoths.
Price Difference Between Conforming and Non-Conforming Mortgages,
November 1, 2004
| Lender |
15-Year |
30-Year |
| |
$320,000 |
$350,000 |
Diff |
$320,000 |
$350,000 |
Diff |
| Eloan |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Rate |
5.125 |
5.500 |
.375 |
5.625 |
6.000 |
.375 |
| Points |
-.329 |
-.223 |
.106 |
-.116 |
-.024 |
.092 |
| APR |
5.131 |
5.525 |
.394 |
5.650 |
6.034 |
.384 |
| Mortage ETrade |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Rate |
4.875 |
5.125 |
.250 |
5.500 |
5.750 |
.250 |
| Points |
-.250 |
-.375 |
-.125 |
-.250 |
0 |
.250 |
| APR |
4.914 |
5.238 |
.324 |
5.526 |
5.790 |
.264 |
| Indy Mac |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Rate |
5.000 |
5.250 |
.250 |
5.625 |
5.875 |
.250 |
| Points |
-.125 |
0 |
.125 |
-.125 |
-.137 |
-.012 |
| APR |
5.092 |
5.352 |
.260 |
5.681 |
5.926 |
.245 |
| HomeLoanCenter |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Rate |
4.875 |
5.25 |
.375 |
5.500 |
5.875 |
.375 |
| Points |
-.250 |
0 |
.250 |
-.250 |
0 |
.250 |
| APR |
4.976 |
5.349 |
.373 |
5.563 |
5.937 |
.374 |
Quotations refer to loans to borrowers with excellent credit purchasing
a $500,000 single-family home in California for permanent occupancy,
with taxes and insurance escrowed, price locked for 30 days except for
Indy Mac which locks for 40 days. Price quote is for points closest to
zero.